Milk

Milk in London was supplied by 8,500 cows in 1794, and by 19,000 in 1860. These cows were kept in small milking units in Islington, Hackney, and Edgware Road in 1794, to which was added the district of Kensington by 1829. The mill was sold at 4 to 5 pence the quart. 

From before 1800, milk in Manchester was brought from special milk farms, at 3 to 10 miles distance. The transport was sometimes by horse and cart on main roads, but generally by canal. From 1840, the major part of the milk came from Cheshire by railway. The price at mid-century was 6 to 8 pence per gallon. The factory workers took about 1 ½ pints per capita per week. 

In England in 1750, there were 15,000 milk cows, producing 600 gallons each yearly; with a population of 6 millions, the consumption was 0.03 pint per person per day, or 12 calories per person per day. In 1800, the figures were 100,000 cows, population of 9 millions, 0.15 pint per person per day, 60 calories per person per day. In 1850, the figures were 150,000 cows, population of 18 millions, 0.11 pint per person per day, 45 calories per person per day.

Cheese and Butter

There was a certain increase in the quantities commercialised during the first half of the 19^thcentury. The amounts eaten per person did not change much, cheese about 1 lb. per family a week (100 calories/ family member/ day), butter about 1/2 lb. (100 calories/ family member/ day).

Manchester bought a considerable amount of cheese and butter from farms in Cheshire. From 1800 the butter came in large quantities from Ireland, although this was of lesser quality and less fresh. 

Vegetables

Vegetables and fruits began to be of importance, at least in London and Lancashire, starting around 1750. The vegetables were generally turnips, carrots, onions, peas, and beans, and the common fruits sold were apples, pears, and cherries:

“The real recompence of labour, the real quantity of the necessaries and conveniences of life ….. has, during the course of the present century increased perhaps in a still greater proportion than in money price. Not only has grain become somewhat cheaper, but among many other things, from which the industrious poor derive an agreeable and wholesome variety of food, have become a great deal cheaper. Potatoes, for example, do not at present, through the greater part of the kingdom, cost half the price which they used to do thirty or forty years ago. The same thing may be said of turnips, carrots, cabbages; things which were formerly never raised but by the spade, but which are now commonly raised by the plough.”

(Adam Smith, economist, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, Book 1, Chapter 8, On the Wages of Labour)

“As to the produce of a garden, every middle-aged person of observation may perceive, within his own memory, both in town and country, how vastly the consumption of vegetables has increased. Green-stalls in cities now support multitudes in a comfortable state, while gardener get fortunes. Every decent labourer, also has his garden, which is half his support, as well as his delight; and common farmers provide plenty of beans, peas, and greens, for their hinds to eat with their bacon; and those few that do not are despised for their sordid parsimony, and looked upon as regardless of the welfare of their dependents. Potatoes have prevailed in this little district, by means of premiums, within these twenty years only, and are much esteemed now by the poor, who would scarce have ventured to taste them in the last reign.”

(Rev. Gilbert White, The Natural History of Selborne, first published 1789, Letter XXXIII, p. 233). 

Very large areas in Fulham, Chelsea and Barnes, and to the north of the built-up area of London, were used for vegetables and fruits. At the end of the nineteenth century, there were 5000 acres of market vegetables, 800 acres for fruit, 1700 for potatoes, and 1200 for vegetables for cattle. 

(General View of the former and present State of Market Gardens, and of the Quantity of Land now occupied for that Purpose within Twelve Miles of London, Daniel Lysons, 1796).

(Actually, in the first half of the nineteenth century, a huge arc, about 10 miles wide starting from the built-up area, and extending from a point north of the housing to reach the Thames at the height of Barnes and Chiswick, was fully dedicated to market gardens, milk farms, and brick-making sites)

Asparagus was sent by rail to Manchester from the 1840’s. Many different types of fruit were sent to other parts of the country by rail from Covent Garden. Starting from 1850, strawberries from Kent were sent out in refrigerated carriages to Yorkshire!

Fish

In London in 1860, very large quantities of fish and shellfish were sold. 

Sugar

We have good figures for total consumption in the country, as all the quantities were imported (principally from the West Indies), so that we can make a calculation from the import duties. In 1750, the level of consumption was about 12 lb. per person per annum (50 calories/ family member/ day), in 1800 about 30 lb. (120 calories), and from 1820 to 1850 close to 20 lb. (80 calories). But note that a large disproportionate amount of sugar was used by the better classes, so that for the working classes we should use a multiplier of 60 % on the above figures

But since the main use was for the women of the working class to take the sugar with their tea, we may say that the women had perhaps 200 calories per day! According to the Rev. David Davies, his poor families used ¼ to ½ lb. per week.

Beer

According to Mr. George Porter, making a calculation based on the payments of the Malt Tax, the use of beer in 1849 was about 15 pints per family per week; since generally only the man drank the beer (although in the industrial districts, the wives also drank), this would be 150 to 200 calories for the man, averaged per day. (Porter, George Richardson, On the self-imposed Taxation of the Working Classes in the United Kingdom, Read before the Statistical Section of the British Association, August 1850).

The amounts had been about the same in 1801-1829. 

Calories

The above figures translate to the following amounts of calories per average family member per day. The persons referenced are families of a man, a wife, and three children; the man has a constant employment, for wages.                                        2nd half             1st half              1st half                                      18th Century    19th Century    19th Century                                                         Agricultural      Industrial  Cereals                         1,850                1,500                1,500 Potatoes                            60                   200                   150 Meat                                  80                     80                   320 Milk                                    0                     20                     50 Cheese                           100                   100                   100 Butter                                50                     50                   100 Sugar                                50                   100                   100 Beer                               100                   150                   150 Fruit, Vegetables,            50                   100                   200 Fish and Shellfish, Poultry and Eggs, Wines and Spirits  Total                            2,340                2,300                2,670

The quality and diversity of the food improves – at least for the industrial worker’s family – by 1850. Nearly everyone now eats wheaten bread. The industrial workers eat much more meat. There is more fruit, vegetables, fish and shellfish, poultry and eggs.   See:  Clayton, Paul; Rowbotham, JudithHow the Mid-Victorians Worked, Ate and Died International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, ISSN 1660-4601,2009, 6, pp. 1235-1253  http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2672390/  Clayton, Paul; Rowbotham, JudithAn Unsuitable and Degraded Diet? Part One: Public Health Lessons from the Mid-Victorian Working Class Diet Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 2008, Jun 1, 101 (6), pp. 282-289 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2408622 Part Two: Realities of the Mid-Victorian DietJournal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 2008, Jul 1, 101 (7), pp. 350-357https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2442131 Part Three: Victorian Consumption Patterns and their Health Benefits Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 2008, Sep 1, 101 (9), pp. 454-462 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2587384  Greaves, Peter Regional differences in the mid-Victorian diet and their impact on health Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine Open; 9(3) 1–6 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2054270417751866  Scola, Roger Feeding the Victorian City: The Food Supply of Manchester, 1770-1870 Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1992

To see if the food ingested gave sufficient calories for the physical work of a man, we have to convert the figures of “daily calories per average family member” to “daily calories per average father of the family”.              For this calculation, we make use of the daily calorie requirements at different ages, as published by the U. S. Food and Drug Administration:               Man     26-30 years     3,000 cals.             Woman 26-30 years   2,000 cals.             Child   8 years            1,800 cals.             Child   6 years            1,600 cals.             Child   4 years            1,400 cals.              Total                           9,800 cals.              So that instead of 20 % of the total calorie requirements, the man needs 30 % of the total. This means that we should multiply the average input of calories by a factor of 1.50.                                        2nd half             1st half              1st half                                     18th Century    19th Century    19th Century                                                              Agricultural     Industrial  Total calories man    3,510               3,450               4,000

Market Halls

In the first half of the nineteenth century, many large and medium towns in England built, at great expense, market halls, where the sellers of meat, fruit, and vegetables could have their stalls.

The predecessor was Sheffield in 1787. The building had space for: 53 butchers’ shops and 41 butchers’ stalls, 54 outside shops for shoemakers, breeches makers, clockmakers, staymakers, hucksters, hardwaremen, one bookbinder, one cabinet maker. In the semicircle were stalls occupied by 17 shoemakers, 8 breeches makers, 5 fishmongers and 5 fruiterers. 

(Mitchell, Ian; Tradition and Innovation in English Retailing, 1700 to 1850, Ashgate Publishing, Farnham, 2016, p. 33)

The first really large market hall was St. John’s Market in Liverpool, built in 1820-1822:

St. John’s Market, Liverpool, built 1820-1822, street view and interior view (Austin, Harwood, Pyne, Lancashire Illustrated, 1832, plates facing p. 25)

(Anon., The Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. 132, 1822, before p. 113) 

“This stupendous building, designed by Mr. John Foster, junior, and erected by the corporation of Liverpool, at an expense of £ 35,000, was begun in August, 1820, and finished in February, 1822. …The length of the building, is 183 yards; its breadth, 45 yards, forming a covered space of 8,235 square yards, or nearly two statute acres [equal to two football pitches, laid end to end].  …. The whole floor is substantially flagged, and every person resorting to the market may walk, dry-footed, in every part of the building, alike protected from the cold and rain of the tempest, or the oppressive heat and glare of a summer sun. … The walls are lined by 62 shops and 6 offices, close to the lower tier of windows, between which and the upper ones the sloping roofs of the shops are placed. The shops, the dimensions of which are 6 yards by 4, and which are provided with fire-places, are let to dealers in various kinds of provision, namely, butchers, pork-dealers, fruiterers, fishmongers, poulterers, cheesemongers, bread-bakers, &c., and are numbered. …. The great body of the market is occupied by four ranges of stalls, tables, &c., running in a line with the pillars from end to end, including 160 stalls, three yards each, for purposes the same as the shops; 34 green-standings, three yards each, 18 fruit-standings, three yards each, 44 stone compartments, three yards each, for potatoes; 36 fish-standings, one and a half yards each; 201 table-compartments, one yard each, for eggs, poultry, and vegetables; and 122 forms or benches, one yard each, for similar articles. There are 144 gas-lights, by which the place is brilliantly illuminated every night; …..”

(Kaye, 1823, pp. 179-182)

            Manchester, in the first half of the 19^th century, did not have a central market hall, but ten markets, one for each type of food. “On every day in the week, except Sunday, provisions are to be purchased. Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, are the principal flesh-market days. The last exhibits an abundance of provisions of every description, which never fails to surprise strangers, not only as to its collection, but as to its probable sale. The quantity of butcher’s meat sold every Saturday is almost beyond belief; and as for quality, it is universally allowed to be equal, at least, to that exposed for sale in any market in the united kingdom [sic].”

(Joseph Aston, A Picture of Manchester, 3^rd Edition 1826, pp. 236-240)     

The Market Hall in Birmingham, built in 1835, was 365 feet long and 108 feet wide, with 600 market stalls:

Birmingham Market Hall, Photograph c. 1870, Notes from 19^th Century Birmingham, https://Birminghamhistoryblog.wordpress.com/tag/market-hall

Other Market Halls built during our period were: Rochdale 1823, enlarged 1844, 24 shops and 180 stalls; Ashton 1828 (*); Stalybridge 1831, expanded 1843; Bury 1839, 32,000 sq. ft; Oldham 1856; Bolton 1853, 600 stalls and shops (*); Burnley 1829; Salford 1825; Blackburn 1848;  Birkenhead 1845 (12 butchers’ shops, 26 butchers’ stalls, 20 vegetable stands, 8 fish shops, 6 game shops, 8 provisions shops, 8 pedlars’ shops, 7 pedlars’ stands, 8 flower stands, 76 farmers’ tables, 7 rabbit and tripe stands, and 48 vaults).   

(Schmiechen, 2016, pp. 190-191)

Grainger Market Hall in Newcastle, built in 1835, was the largest in Britain, with more than two acres, 337 x 241 ft, 243 shops and stalls (*).

(William Collard and M. Ross, Architectural and Picturesque Views of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1841, pp. 88-91, with plan and six plates)

The wages in Newcastle were high: common labourers had on average 18 shillings per week, the skilled labourers from 25 to 40 shillings (Cargill, 1838, p. 361).

(*) Still in use – refurbished – as indoor food markets or as shopping centres.

From the size of the buildings it is very clear, that the users were not just servants sent by the better class families; they were the totality of the working people of the town. This means that the working class in these towns had a diet of considerable quantities of meat, fish, cheese, vegetables, fruit, potatoes and eggs.

It would be nice to be have an idea of the increase in the numbers of shops in our period, so as to have another input as to the volume of food and other articles bought. But this information does not exist. What we can do, as a matter of illustration, is to give the number and type of shops in representative provincial towns, for example in 1828-29.

Boston, Lincolnshire, population 10,300: 

Academies and Public Schools 25; Bakers & Flour Dealers 30; Blacksmiths 20; Booksellers & Stationers 7; Boot & Shoemakers 25; Butchers 50; Grocers & Tea Dealers 20; Linen & Woollen Drapers 10; Milliners & Dress Makers 12; Plumbers, Glaziers and Painters 10; Shopkeepers & Dealers in Sundries 30; Tailors 20; Taverns & Public Houses 40; Watch & Clock Makers 10.

The commercial activities of the inhabitants are:

“The enclosure of the fens has tended most materially to the increase of the commercial importance of Boston, by causing immense quantities of grain to be brought into its market; and the subsequent shipment of this grain to London and other places gives employment to an increased quantity of shipping. Of late years, too, there has been a growing trade to the Baltic; a very considerable trade also is carried on with the interior of the kingdom, by means of the Witham and the various navigable canals with which it communicates; and manufactures have gained some footing in the town, consisting of sackings, canvas, sail cloth and lace; besides which, there are iron and brass foundries on a large scale”.

(Pigot, 1829, pp. 509-513) 

Carlisle, population 15,500:

Academies & Schools 40; Bakers & Flour Dealers 15; Blacksmiths 20; Booksellers, Stationers and Binders 5; Boot and Shoe Makers 38; Butchers 35; Cabinet Makers & Joiners 20; Clog and Patten Makers 10; Grocers & Tea Merchants 40; Linen & Woollen Drapers 20; Milliners & Dress Makers 20; Painters and Glaziers 10; Shopkeepers and Dealers in Sundries 140; Straw Hat Makers 10; Tailors 35; Taverns & Public Houses 150; Tea and Coffee Dealers 10; Watch & Clock Makers 7.

The commercial activities are:

“The manufactures brought to perfection in Carlisle are of an important character; they embrace the weaving of checks and ginghams, and other cotton fabrics, calico printing, and the manufacture of cotton twist, much of which is exported. Hats are also made here of a superior quality; there are also extensive dye-works, and three iron foundries upon a large scale, but the cotton trade is by far of the greatest consequence to the manufacturing interest here.”

(Pigot, 1829, pp. 67-73)

We see that there are a large number of different shops, which obviously means that the inhabitants are financially able to buy these articles. The commercial activities show that there is a large amount of employment in the towns, which does not have a connection with factories.  

Maps

Map of Lancashire, Aikin, 1795

Map of West Riding of Yorkshire, Aikin, 1795

Map British Isles, Distribution of the Population, 1841

Map England and Wales, Distribution of the Population, Census 1851

Map England and Wales, Distribution of the Occupations of the People, Census 1851

Plan of Manchester, 1841, Pigot’s Commercial Directory of Manchester

Map of Manchester, Engels, 1844

Abraham Hume, Rev., Map of Liverpool, Ecclesiastical and Social, 1858

The expanded version shows the streets with extreme poverty  

Liverpool, 1859, part of Birkenhead, the docks, and Cheshire coast, John R. Isaac

Leeds, sanitary map, cholera epidemic, made in 1832 by Dr. Robert Baker; presented in “Report on the Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population”, Edwin Chadwick, 1842.

(the houses drawn in dark colour are those of the working classes; the square objects with smoke are the textile mills; the blue spots are localities of cholera cases in 1832; the red spots are localities with contagious diseases in 1834 to 1839; the “less cleansed” districts are painted over in dark brown)

Smith’s Railway Map, 1836

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Cobbett, William Cobbett’s Political Register Volume LXX, from July 3, to December 25, 1830 Printed and published by the Author, London, 1830 https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/006064081

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Danson, J. T.; Welton, T. A. On the Population of Lancashire and Cheshire, and its Local Distribution during the Fifty Years 1801-1851 (Part Fourth, and Last) In: Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, Volume XII, Session 1859-60, Adam Holden, Liverpool, 1860, pp. 35-74 https://www.hslc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/12-3-Danson-and-Welton.pdf

Danton, J. T. A Contribution towards an Investigation of the Changes which have taken place in the Condition of the People of the United Kingdom during the eight Years extending from the Harvest of 1839 to the Harvest of 1847; and an Attempt to develop the Conexion (if any,) between the Changes observed and the Variations occurring during the same Period in the Prices of the most necessary Items of Food. Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. XI No. 2, May 1848, pp. 101-140

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Demainbray, Rev. Stephen The Poor Man’s Best Friend; or, Land to Cultivate for his Own Benefit: being the Results of Twenty-Four Years’ Experience, in a Letter to the Marques of Salisbury James Ridgway, London, 1831

Dempsey, John Dempsey’s People: A Folio of British Street Portraits, 1824-1844 Curated by John Hanson, National Portrait Gallery, Australia https://www.portrait.gov.au/exhibitions/dempseys-people-2017

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Dodd, George The Food of London: The Food for a Community of Two Millions and a Half Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, London, 1856

Drummond, Henry (Preface) On the Condition of the Agricultural Classes of Great Britain and Ireland, with extracts from the Parliamentary Reports and Evidence from 1833 to 1840, Volume II John Murray, London, 1842

Eden, Sir Frederick Morton The State of the Poor: Or, An History of the Labouring Classes in England from the Conquest to the Present Period Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2011 (originally published 1797), 3 vols.

Edmonds, Richard A Statistical Account of the Parish of Madron, containing the Borough of Penzance, in Cornwall Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol II, 1839, p. 198

Edmonds, T. R. On the Mortality of the People of England The Lancet, Volume 24, Issue 614, June 06, 1835, pp. 310-316 https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(02)97790-1

Ellis, William The Country Housewife’s Family Companion James Hodges, London, 1750

Encyclopaedia Britannica: or, A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Miscellaneous Literature, Enlarged and Improved “Cotton Manufacture” Supplement to the fourth, fifth and sixth Editions, Volume Third Archibald Constable, Edinburgh, 1824

Engels, Friedrich Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England Otto Wigand, Leipzig, 1845 The Condition of the Working Class of England 1844 Reprint of the translation to English, 1885, authorized by Engels George Allen & Unwin, London, 1885 http://www.gutenberg.org/files/17306/17306-h/17306-h.htm

English Charity (Poor Houses in Kent) The Quarterly Review, Vol. CVI, 1835 Article VIII, p. 473

Factories Inquiry Commission Second Report of the Central Board of His Majesty’s Commissioners appointed to collect Information in the Manufacturing Districts, as to the Employment of Children in Factories, and as to Propriety and Means of Curtailing the Hours of their Labour: with Minutes of Evidence and Reports by the Medical Commissioners (Reports from Commissioners, 1833. Six Volumes – Contents of the Fifth Volume) Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be Printed, 15 July 1833

Factories Inquiry Commission Supplementary Report of the Central Board of H. Maj. Commissioners Appointed to Collect Information in the Manufacturing Districts, as to the Employment of Children in Factories, and as to the Propriety and Means of Curtailing the Hours of Their Labour,  Part 1 and Part 2 Ordered to be Printed 25 March 1834

Farmer’s Magazine, The: A Periodical Work, exclusively devoted to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Archibald Constable and Co., Edinburgh Vol. 1 (1800) to Vol. 23 (1823) https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/007833353

Farr, Dr. William Causes of the High Mortality in Town Districts Fifth Annual Report of the Registrar-General on Births, Deaths, Marriages, 1841; pp. 406-437

Farr, William The Influence of Scarcities and of the High Prices of Wheat on the Mortality of the People of England Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Jun., 1846), pp. 158-174 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2337834

Farr, William Vital Statistics: a Memorial Volume of Selections from the Reports and Writings of William Farr Sanitary Institute of Great Britain, London, 1885

Faucher, Léon Manchester in 1844: Its Present Condition and Future Prospects Simpkin, Marshall, London, 1844

Faucher, Léon Études sur l’Angleterre (Investigations about England) Guillaumin, Paris, 1845, 2 vols.

Felkin, William A History of the Machine-Wrought Hosiery and Lace Manufactures Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1867 https://archive.org/stream/historyofmachine00felkuoft#page/n7/mode/2up

Fielden, John The curse of the factory system, or, A short account of the origin of factory cruelties, of the attempts to protect the children by law, of their present sufferings, our duty towards them, the injustice of Mr. Thomson’s bill, the folly of the political economists, a warning against sending the children of the South into the factories of the North  Cobbett, London, 1836 https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=inu.30000041573936

Finch, John (the Younger, Merchant) Statistics of Vauxhall Ward, Liverpool; showing the actual condition of more than Five Thousand Families, Being the Result of an Inquiry recently instituted by the Liverpool Anti-Monopoly Association Joshua Walmesly, Liverpool, 1842

Friff, C. Bowles Report on the Condition of the Working Classes in Bristol Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. II, 1839, pp. 368-375

Gavin, Hector, Dr. Sanitary Wanderings, being Sketches and Illustrations of Bethnal Green A Type of the Condition of the Metropolis and other Large Towns John Churchill, London, 1848

Giffen, Robert The Progress of the Working Classes in the last Half Century Inaugural Address of the President of the Statistical Society, 1883-84 Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 46, No. 4 (Dec., 1883), pp. 593-622 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2979307 Further Notes on the Progress of the Working Classes in the last Half Century Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 49, No.1 (Mar., 1886),  pp. 28-100 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2979227

Gilbert, James Gilbert’s Summary of the Occupations of the People of England, Wales and Scotland, from the Abstract of the Population Commissioners James Gilbert, London, 1844 https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008896221

Godolphin Osborne, Lord Sidney A View of the Low Moral & Physical Condition of the Agricultural Labourer T & W Boone, London, 1844

Grey, Earl, unsigned letter to … England in 1830: being a Letter to the (late) Earl Grey, laying before him the Condition of the People, as described by themselves, in their Petitions to Parliament Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., London, 1847 (reprint of original of 1830)

Guy, Dr. William Augustus On the Health of Nightmen, Scavengers, and Dustmen Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. XI, 1848, p. 72

“H” Of the Quantity of Bread-corn required yearly to maintain the Inhabitants of Great Britain The Farmer’s Magazine, Edinburgh, 1801, p. 132

Hansard Special Commissions – Amnesty House of Commons, 8 February 1831, Vol 2, cc 246-309 http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1831/feb/08/special-commissions-amnesty

Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates Distress of the Country House of Commons, 1 July 1842, pp. 861-936 https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1842/jul/01/distress-of-the-country House of Commons, 6 July 1842, pp. 1013-1085 https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1842/jul/06/distress-of-the-country-adjourned-debate House of Commons, 8 July 1842, pp. 1171-1236 https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1842/jul/08/distress-of-the-country

Hasbach, W. A History of the English Agricultural Labourer P. S. King & Son, Westminster, 1908 (original edition in German, 1894) https://archive.org/stream/historyofenglish00hasbrich#page/n7/mode/2up

Hatton, John A Lecture on the Sanitary Condition of Chorlton-upon-Medlock, Delivered at the Request of the Manchester and Salford Sanitary Association Beresford & Galt, Manchester, 1854 https://archive.org/stream/b22337489#page/n1/mode/2up

Hawkins, Francis Bisset Elements of Medical Statistics Gulstonian Lectures 1829

Henry, Thomas Observations on the Bills of Mortality for the Towns of Manchester and Salford Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester, Volume 3, 1790

Hindmarsh, L. On the State of Agriculture and Condition of the Agricultural Labourers of the Northern  Division of Northumberland Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 1, No. 7 (Nov., 1838), pp. 397-414 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2337770

His Majesty’s Commissioners Extracts from the Information received by … as to the Administration and Operation of the  Poor Laws See: Report from E. Chadwick, Esq., Assistant Commissioner, on London and Berkshire His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1837

His Majesty’s Commissioners for Inquiring into the Administration and Practical Operation of the Poor Laws Report Rural Queries, session 1834, vols. xxix-xxxiv

Holland, G. Calvert The Vital Statistics of Sheffield Robert Tyes, London, 1843

Holyoake, George Jacob Self-Help by the People: The History of the Rochdale Pioneers Swan Sonnenschein & Co., London, first published 1893 (first twelve chapters printed in the Daily News in 1857)

House of Commons Abstract of the Answers and Returns made pursuant to an Act, passed in the Forty-first Year of His Majesty King George III, intituled, “An Act for taking an Account of the Population of Great Britain, and the Increase or Diminution thereof” Enumeration, Part I, England and Wales Ordered to be printed, 21st December 1801

House of Commons Abstract of the Answers and Returns made pursuant to an Act, passed in the Forty-first Year of His Majesty King George III, intituled, “An Act for taking an Account of the Population of Great Britain, and the Increase or Diminution thereof” Preliminary Observations Enumeration Abstract Parish-Register Abstract, 1811 Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be printed, 2 July 1811

House of Commons Abstract of the Answers and Returns, made pursuant to an Act, passed in the Eleventh Year of the Reign of His Majesty King George IV, intutiled, “An Act for taking Account of the Population of Great Britain, and of the Increase or Diminution thereof” Preliminary Observations, 1811 and 1821 Enumeration Abstract, 1821 Parish-Register Abstract, 1821 Ordered to be printed, by the House of Commons, 10th July 1822

House of Commons Abstract of the Answers and Returns, made pursuant to an Act, passed in the Eleventh Year of the Reign of His Majesty King George IV, intutiled, “An Act for taking Account of the Population of Great Britain, and of the Increase or Diminution thereof” Volume 3, Parish Register Abstract, 1831 Ordered to be printed, by the House of Commons, 2 April 1833

House of Commons Abstract of the Answers and Returns made pursuant to an Act, passed in the 43rd Year of His Majesty King George III, intituled “An Act for Procuring Returns relative to the Expence and Maintenance of the Poor in England”[1802-03] Ordered by the House of Commons to be Printed, 10th July 1804

House of Commons An Abstract of the Evidence lately taken in the ….. against the Orders in Council, being a Summary of the Facts there proved, respecting the Present State of the Commerce and the Manufactures of the Country J. M. McCreery, London, 1812 https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=aeu.ark:/13960/t7fr0g619;view=1up;seq=6;size=75

House of Lords An Account of the Cotton and Woollen Mills and Factories in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland whereof Entry has been made at the Epiphany Sessions in Every Year from the Year 1803 to the Last Year …. Appendix: Copies of Reports made by Visitors ….  [Reports of the Visitors to the Mills, from 1803 to 1817, as appointed by the Act of 1802]

House of Lords Reasons in Favour of Sir Robert Peel’s Bill for ameliorating the Condition of Children employed in Cotton Factories W. Clowes, London, 1819  Observations, &c., as to the Ages of Persons employed in the Cotton Mills, in Manchester, with Extracts of Evidence against Sir Robert Peel’s Bill, taken before the Lord’s Committee J. Gleave, Manchester, 1819  Answers to Certain Objections made to Sir Robert Peel’s Bill, for ameliorating the Condition of Children employed in Cotton Factories Printed by R. and W. Dean, Manchester, 1819

House of Lords The Sessional Papers 1801–1833, Vol. 156 (1823) Evidence on Silk Manufacturers Bill  Printed by Order

House of Lords Minutes of Evidence taken before the Select Committee of the House of Lords appointed to consider of Poor Laws Ordered to be printed, 7th December 1830

House of Lords Sessional Papers, in the Session 1840, Vol. XXXVII  Reports from Commissioners, Subject of this Volume: Hand-Loom Weavers Printed by Order, 1840

House of Lords Sessional Papers, in the Session 1845, Vol. XXIII Report of the Commissioner appointed to enquire into the Condition of the Frame-Work Knitters Printed by Order, 1845

Hunter, Julian, Dr. Report of Dr. Julian Hunter on the Housing of the Poorer Parts of the Population in Towns, particularly in regards to the Existence of Dangerous Degrees of Overcrowding and the Use of Dwellings unfit for Human Habitation Eighth Annual Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, Dr. John Simon, 1865

Inspectors of Factories Reports, for the Half-Year ending 31stOctober 1848 Appendix, Evidence of the Opinions of Persons employed in Factories respecting the Ten-hours’ Act, collected in September, October, and November, 1848, by Mr. Horner and the five Sub-Inspectors in his District Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, London, 1849

James, John History of the Worsted Manufacture in England, from the earliest times Longman, London, 1857 https://archive.org/stream/historyofworsted00jame#page/n5/mode/2up

Johns, William (Superintendent-Registrar) Report upon the Working of the Registration and Marriage Acts, during the Two Years 1837-38 and 1838-39, in the Registration District of Manchester Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Volume 3, No. 2, 1840, p. 191 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2337734

Kay, James Phillips The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes employed in the Cotton Manufacture of Manchester James Ridgway, London, 1832 https://archive.org/stream/moralphysicalcon00kaysuoft#page/n3/mode/2up

Kaye, T.  The Stranger in Liverpool; or, an Historical and Descriptive View of the Town of Liverpool and its Environs T. Kaye, Liverpool, Seventh Edition, 1823

Kennedy, John Observations on the Rise and Progress of the Cotton Trade, in Great Britain, particularly in Manchester and the adjoining counties An Inquiry into the Effects produced upon Society by the Poor Laws Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester, Volume III, pp. 115-138 resp. pp. 430-445 George Wilson, London, 1819

Kennedy, John Observations on the Influence of Machinery upon the Working Classes of the Community Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester, Second Series,  Volume V, pp. 25-35 Baldwin & Craddock, London, 1831

Knight, Charles The Results of Machinery, namely, Cheap Production, and Increased Employment, …. Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge London, 1831

Knight, Charles Days at the Factories The Penny Magazine of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, Vol. XI Charles Knight & Co., London, 1842 Soap and candle making, p. 41 Gas, p. 81 Church clocks and bells, p. 121 Pianofortes, p. 169 Leather, p. 209 Copper and lead manufactures, p. 249 Distilling, p. 297 Manufacture of floor-cloth, p. 337 Book-binding, p. 377 Vinegar and British wine, p. 425 Rope and sail-cloth, p. 465 Blacking, p. 509

Knight, Charles Days at the Factories The Penny Magazine of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, Vol. XII Charles Knight & Co., London, 1843 Needle-mills, p. 43 Porcelain-works, p. 73 Lace, p. 113 Silk, p. 161 Potteries, p. 201 Cotton, p. 241 Print-works, p. 289 Carpets, p. 329 Steam-boat, p. 377 Alum-works, p. 421 Woollen, p. 457 Flax, p. 501

Knight, Charles Days at the Factories The Penny Magazine of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, Vol. XIII Charles Knight & Co., London, 1844 Yorkshire worsted factories, p. 33 Butterley iron-works, p. 73 Fitzalan steel and file works, Sheffield, p. 121 Sheffield cutlery works, p. 161 Felling chemical works, p. 201 Glass factory, p. 249 Barrowfield dye-works, Glasgow, p. 289 Tyne factories – white and red lead and shot, p. 337 Sopwith’s cabinet manufactory, p. 342 Potteries, p. 344 Stephenson’s locomotive factory, p. 377 The Walker oil-mill, p. 380 Starch factory, p. 383 Electro-plate factory, p. 417 Birmingham factories, p. 465, p. 501

Knight, Charles Relative Progress of the Population and of Industrial Wealth The British Almanac, Volume 22, 1849, Companion to the Almanac, p. 79 Charles Knight, London, 1849

Knight, Charles Passages of a Working Life during Half a Century Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, reprinted 2014, first publication 1873

Knott, Squire The Oldham Panorama (photographs), 1876 Gallery Oldham https://www.galleryoldham.org.uk

Kohl, Johann Georg England, Wales and Scotland Chapman and Hall, London, 1844

Le Play, Frédéric Les Ouvriers Européens: Études sur les Travaux, la Vie Domestique et la Condition Morale des Populations Ouvrières de l’Europe, … Ouvriers de l’Angleterre, pp. 188-211 (The European Workers: Studies on the Work, the Family Life and the Moral Condition of the Worker Populations of Europe, …) English Workers, pp. 188-211 L’Imprimerie Impériale, Paris, 1855 https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1057844n.texteImage

Levi, Leone Wages and Earnings of the Working Classes; with some facts illustrative of their economic condition, drawn from authentic and official sources John Murray, London, 1867 https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011631933

Lillie Craik, George; MacFarlane, Charles The Pictorial History of England, Volume IV, 1688-1760 Charles Knight & Co., London, 1841 Chap. IV, History of the National Industry Chap. VII, History of the Condition of the People The Pictorial History of England, Volume V, 1760-1784 Charles Knight & Co., London, 1841 Chap. IV, History of the National Industry Chap. VII, History of the Condition of the People The Pictorial History of England, Volume VI, 1783-1792 Charles Knight & Co., London, 1842 Chap. IV, History of the National Industry Chap. VII, History of the Condition of the People The Pictorial History of England, Volume VII, 1792-1802 Charles Knight & Co., London, 1842 Chap. IV, History of the National Industry Chap. VII, History of the Condition of the People The Pictorial History of England, Volume VIII, 1802-1820 Charles Knight & Co., London, 1842 Chap. IV, History of the National Industry Chap. VII, History of the Condition of the People

Logan, William (City Missionary) An Exposure from Personal Observation of Female Prostitution in London, Leeds and Rochdale and especially in the City of Glasgow G. Gallie and R. Fleckfield, Glasgow, 1843

“London Commissariat” Quarterly Review, October 1854, Vol. 95, pp. 271-308

Lords Committees, to whom was referred the Bill intituled “An Act to amend and extend an Act made in the Forty-Second Year of his present Majesty, for the Preservation of the Health and Morals of Apprentices, and others, employed in Cotton and other Mills, and Cotton and other Factories» Minutes of Evidence House of Lords, The Sessional Papers, 1801-1833, Vol. 96 (1818) Ordered to be Printed, 23d May 1818

Lords Committees, appointed to Enquire into the State and Condition of the Children employed in the Cotton Manufactories of the United Kingdom; and also to Enquire into the Execution of the Laws now existing for their Protection, and to Report thereupon Minutes of Evidence Appendices House of Lords, The Sessional Papers, 1801-1833, Vol. 110 (1819) Ordered to be Printed, 8th March 1819

Love, Benjamin  Manchester as it is Love and Barton, London, 1839

Love, Benjamin Hand-Book of Manchester Love and Barton, London, 1842 (The 1842 edition reports on the very bad situation of the factory workers, worse than in the edition of 1839, and which was due to the harsh recession of 1839-1842)

Malthus, Thomas Robert An Investigation of the Cause of the present High Price of Provisions J. Johnson, London, 1800

Manchester Statistical Society Analysis of the Evidence taken before the Factory Commissioners, as far as it relates to the Population of Manchester, and the Vicinity, engaged in the Cotton Trade Read before the Statistical Society of Manchester, March, 1834 Bancks and Company, Manchester, 1834

Manchester Statistical Society Analysis of the Report of an Agent employed by the Manchester Statistical Society in 1834 to visit the Dwellings and ascertain the Condition of the Working Population in Police Division No. 2, and in the first Subdivision of Police Division No. 1, in the Town of Manchester Report of the Fourth Meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Edinburgh in 1834, p. 690 John Murray, London, 1835

“Mark Lane” The Price of a Quartern Loaf Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 26, No. 4, (Dec. 1863), Miscellanea, pp. 451-459 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2338440

Marshall, John Mortality of the Metropolis: A Statistical View of the Number of Persons Reported to Have Died Truettel, Würtz, and Richter, London, 1832

Mather, Ralph An Impartial Representation of the Case of the Poor Cotton Spinners in Lancashire G. Bigg, London, 1780

Mayhew, Henry London Labour and the London Poor: A Cyclopædia of the Condition and Earnings of Those That Will Work, Those That Cannot Work, and Those That Will Not Work  Griffin, Bohn, and Company, London, 1851/1861 https://archive.org/stream/cu31924092592751 https://archive.org/stream/cu31924092592769 https://archive.org/stream/cu31924092592785 https://archive.org/stream/cu31924092592793

Mayhew, Henry The Morning Chronicle: Labour and the Poor, 1849-50 Letters I to LXIII Victorian London Web http://www.victorianlondon.org/mayhew/mayhew01.htm to http://www.victorianlondon.org/mayhew/mayhew63.htm

McCulloch, J. R. A Dictionary Practical, Theoretical, and Historical of Commerce and Commercial Navigation Article “Prices”, pp. 1138-1140 An Account of the Contract Prices of the following Articles of Provisions &c. at the Royal Hospital, Greenwich, for the Years undermentioned New Edition, Revised and Corrected, Longmans, Green, and Co., London 1880

Meidinger, Heinrich Reisen durch Grossbritannien und Irland (Travels through Great Britain and Ireland) Heinrich Ludwig Brönner, Frankfurt am Main, 1829

Metropolitan Registrars Metropolitan Registrars‘ Returns of the Sanatory Condition of their Districts Fifth Annual Report of the Registar-General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages, 1841, pp. 473-601; map of Registrars‘ Districts, after p. 472; Mortality in the Sub-Districts, pp. 470-472

Molesworth, Rev. W. N. (incumbent at Rochdale) On the Extent and Results of Co-operative Trading Associations at Rochdale Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. XXIV, 1861, p. 507

Neison, F. G. P. On a Method recently proposed for conducting Inquiries into the Comparative Sanatory Condition of various Districts, with Illustrations, derived from numerous Places in Great Britain at the Period of the last Census Statistical Society of London, Vol. VII, 1844, pp. 40-68

Nemnich, Philipp Andreas Beschreibung einer im Sommer 1799 von Hamburg nach und durch England geschehenen Reise  (Description of a Journey from Hamburg to, and through, England, in the Summer of 1799) J. G. Cotta’sche Buchhandlung, Tübingen, 1800

Nemnich, Philipp Andreas Neueste Reise durch England, Schottland und Ireland, hauptsächlich in Bezug auf Produkte, Fabrike und Handlung (A Recent Journey through England, Scotland and Ireland, especially referring to Products, Factories, and Management) J. G. Cotta’sche Buchhandlung, Tübingen, 1807

Nicholson, John The Operative Mechanic and British Machinist, being a Practical Display of the Manufactories and Mechanical Arts of the United Kingdom Knight and Lacey, London, 1825

Nield, Wm. (Mayor of Manchester) Comparative Statement of the Income and Expenditure of certain Families of the Working Classes in Manchester and Dukinfield, in the Years 1836 and 1841 Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Volume 4, 1841, p. 320

Norton, Charles Eliot The Poverty of England North American Review, Vol. 109, No. 224 (July 1869), pp. 122-154 https://www.jstor.org/stable/25109485

Orange, James (Minister of the Gospel) History and Antiquities of Nottingham, Books XIII and XIV Hamilton, Adams, and Co., London, 1840

Ordnance Survey Maps, 1844-1847, six inches to the mile, Lancashire series National Library of Scotland https://maps.nls.uk/os/6inch-england-and-wales/lancashire.html

Overseers of the Parish of Lindfield, Sussex Sums paid to the Paupers of Lindfield, for the Year ending Lady-Day, 1831 Printed at the Schools of Industry, Lindfield, 1831

Parish Clerks of Liverpool General Bills of Mortality, 1802-1826

Percival, Thomas Observations on the State of Population in Manchester and other adjacent Places Essays Medical, Philosophical and Experimental, Vol. II, Part III, pp. 1-67 J. Johnson, London, 1789

Phillips, Richard The Book of English Trades: And Library of the Useful Arts: with Seventy Engravings G. Sidney, London, 1818

Pigot and Co. National Commercial Directory for 1828-9 J. Pigot & Co., London, 1829

Pigot and Slater Commercial Directory of Manchester, 1841 Pigot and Slater, 1841

Pitt, William (not the Prime Minister!)  Communications to the Board of Agriculture, on Subjects Relative to the Husbandry and Internal Improvement of the Country, Vol. V, Part I, An Essay on the Production and Consumption of Corn in Great Britain; its Population at different Periods; the Means of increasing Human Subsistence; and of preventing future Scarcities  1806, Vol. V, Part I, Art. 1, p. 272 et seq.

Playfair, William A Letter on our Agricultural Distresses, their Causes and Remedies; accompanied with  Tables and Copper-Plate Charts, shewing and comparing The Prices of Wheat, Bread, and Labour, from 1565 to 1821 William Sams, London, 1822 (third edition)

Poor Law Commissioners Local Reports on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of England Presented to both Houses of Parliament, by Command of her Majesty, July 1842

Poor Law Commissioners Local Reports on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Scotland Presented to both Houses of Parliament, by Command of her Majesty, July 1842

Poor Law Commissioners Reports of Special Assistant Poor Law Commissioners on the Employment of Women and  Children in Agriculture Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1843 https://archive.org/stream/b2874262x#page/n3/mode/2up

Porter, George Richardson Wages and Prices Companion to the Almanac, Charles Knight, London, 1834 https://www.jstor.org/stable/1973462

Porter, George Richardson An Examination of some Facts obtained at the recent Enumeration of the Inhabitants of Great Britain, …. [Comparison of the Censuses of 1821 and 1841] Quarterly Journal of the Statistical Society of London, February 1843, pp. 1-16

Porter, George Richardson The Progress of the Nation: In Its Various Social and Economic Relations, from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century to the Present Time Sections I and II, Population and Production Charles Knight & Co., London, 1836              https://archive.org/stream/progressnation03portgoog#page/n4/mode/2up

Porter, George Richardson The Progress of the Nation: In Its Various Social and Economic Relations, from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century to the Present Time Sections III and IV, Interchange, and Revenue and Expenditure Charles Knight & Co., London, 1838 https://archive.org/stream/progressnation01portgoog#page/n6/mode/2up

Porter, George Richardson The Progress of the Nation: In Its Various Social and Economic Relations, from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century John Murray, London, 1851 https://archive.org/details/progressofnation00portuoft

Porter, George Richardson On the self-imposed Taxation of the Working Classes in the United Kingdom Read before the Statistical Section of the British Association, August 1850 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2338374

Porter, George Richardson On the Accumulation of Capital by the Different Classes of Society Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 14, No. 3 (Sept. 1851), pp. 193-199 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2338335

Price, Richard Observations on Reversionary Payments: … Essay I, Observations on the Expectations of Lives; … Essay IV, On the proper Method of constructing Tables for determining the Rate of Human Mortality, … T. Cadell, London, Fourth Edition, 1783

Purdy, Frederick (Principal of the Statistical Section, Poor Law Board, London) On the Earnings of Agricultural Labourers in England and Wales, 1860 Journal of the Statistical Society, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Sep. 1861) http://www.jstor.org/stable/2338485

Purdy, Frederick (Principal of the Statistical Section, Poor Law Board, London) On the Earnings of Agricultural Labourers in Scotland and Ireland, 1860 Journal of the Statistical Society, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Dec. 1862) http://www.jstor.org/stable/2338598

Radcliffe, William Origin of the New System of Manufacture; commonly called “Power-Loom Weaving”, and  the Purposes for which this System was invented and brought into Use, …. James Lomax, Stockport, 1828

Rashleigh, William, M. P. Stubborn Facts from the Factories, by a Manchester Operative, published and dedicated to the Working Classes John Ollivier, London, 1844

Raynbird, Hugh On Measure Work Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society of England, Vol. 7, 1846, pp. 120-142

Raynbird, William; Raynbird, Hugh On the Agriculture of Suffolk Longman and Co., London, 1849

Registrar-General of Great Britain Annual Report of the Registrar General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England,  Volume 3, Occupation Abstract W. Clowes and Sons, for Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, London, 1841 http://www.visionofbritain.org.uk/census/table/GB1841OCC_M[1]

Registrar-General of Great Britain Annual Report of Births, Deaths, and Marriages; First (1837) to Twenty-Third (1860) Her Majesty’s Stationery Office

Registrar-General of Great Britain The Census of Great Britain in 1851; comprising an account of the numbers and distribution of the people, their ages, conjugal condition, occupations, and birthplace; Occupations of the People, Table XXXIII, Occupations of the People of Great Britain in 1851, arranged in Alphabetical Order, p. 125 Longman, Brown, Green and Longman’s, London, 1854 https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044106490006;view=1up;seq=4

Registrar-General of Great Britain Census of England and Wales for the Year 1861, Population Tables: Ages, Civil Condition, Occupations and Birth-Places of the People Her Majesty’s Stationery Office Census 1861 – Summary Tables, Occupations of the People, Table XVII, England and Wales, – Occupations of the People, arranged in alphabetical order, pp. xxxi-xxxix

Rickman, John (Clerk of the House of Commons) Abstract of the Answers and Returns, made pursuant to an Act, passed in the First Year of the Reign of His Majesty King George IV, intutiled “an Act for taking an Account of the  Population of Great Britain, and the Increase and Decrease thereof” Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be Printed, 2 July 1822 https://archive.org/stream/abstractofanswer00grea#page/n5/mode/2up

Roberton [sic], John Observations on the Mortality and Physical Management of Children Longman et al., London, 1827

Roberts, Charles The Physical Requirements of Factory Children Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 39, No. 4 (Dec. 1876), pp. 681-733 https://www.jstor.com/stable/2339159

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Almost all the economic information and the descriptions of working life and daily life in this book, have been “external” to the worker, that is, they are collections of numerical data or optical observations, made by professional persons, farmers, landowners, and politicians. A small number come from agricultural labourers or industrial workers, interviewed by committees in Parliament, or by commissioners sent out by Parliament. In these latter cases, there are practically no cases of the workers giving their ideas of changes in the preceding 50 (for example) years.

As we do not experience their lives in flesh and blood, we cannot really “construct” how they might utilise information about the financial situation, and the good and bad living conditions, to give a general statement about how they felt in their terms.

The best we can do, is try to imagine what a man in 1850 might say about the changes since 1790, according to what he had heard. We will suppose that we are interviewing a man in 1850, who talked a lot with his grandfather in 1800, when the man was a child. The grandfather would have been a 10 year old boy in the decade 1790-1800. The questions would be: “based on what you grandfather told you, do you think that life is better now than in 1790?”, “would you like to change places with your grandfather, and go back to live in the years before 1800?”

The answers would have been different, according to the path that the family had taken in those 90 years.

The grandfather was an agricultural worker, and the grandson is also an agricultural worker:

“My grandfather and my grandmother did not have money problems. That is, so long as my grandmother had income from spinning. Afterwards, they had just enough to eat meat a few times in the week. Today, I earn a little more, and we eat meat also a few times a week, but we have enough over to buy tea, sugar, cheese, butter, and a lot of vegetables. My wife and I can both read, and the small children go to school. The work is less physically tiring, because I do not have to do any threshing, and other tasks are also done by machines. But this means that I cannot earn so much with the extra tasks. I have a better cottage than they did. We live near a small town, and from there once or twice a year we take an excursion by train.”

“I don’t think I would like to live in 1790. Perhaps there was a little more money, but life was harder.”

The grandfather was a weaver in the Lancashire countryside, and his family worked a plot of land; the grandson is a spinner in a cotton factory:

“My grandfather had a simple life, without any problems. He had to work about 10 hours each day, sitting down all the time, but he could take a pause when he wanted. They had enough to eat, especially because they had the oats from their plot. He told me that on a few occasions they had saved up money through the year, and they could buy a little more land.

I have a good life, the family (myself, my daughter, and a small son) earn in total 30 shillings a week in the mill. We eat meat or bacon nearly every day, we can buy things for the house, and nice clothing for the wife and girl for Saturdays. I save money in a benefit society. We don’t know the owner of the mill, and he doesn’t know us, but he doesn’t treat us badly. The work in the mill is not physically hard, like it was before the power looms. We work 56 hours a week, finishing on Saturdays at 2 o’clock. All the men can read, and all the younger women. There are problems with the filth in the streets, and the small number of privies. I have had two children who died in their first year, because my wife really does not have time to look after them and to give them milk. Working in the spinning hall of the mill affects your body; all the men are short, have sallow skin, and sharp features on the face.”

“I definitely would not like to live in 1790. My standard of living is the double of my grandfather’s, and the only real disadvantage is the lack of sewers and privies. The town council should do something about that.”          

The grandfather was an agricultural labourer, and the grandson is a worker in a chemicals factory:   

“My grandfather worked very hard, with long hours, and worked outside even when it rained. His wages were just enough so that the family could eat some meat. He had extra wages from task work and in the harvest month, but he used these to pay the year’s rent, and to buy clothing. His advantage was that he had a less stressful life, and had a social life, and often conversed with the farmer. He told me that on the occasions when he had very little money at the end of the week, the farmer would sell him some wheat at a low price. The farmer also paid for visits to the doctor.

I do not have a good life. Apparently I have good enough wages at 12 shillings a week, but I have to send the boy out to work for 3 shillings a week. Otherwise we could not pay for food – we have four children from 2 to 10 – and the rent. Sometimes the company does not pay us for one or two weeks, because they do not have any orders. The work in the factory is dangerous, and some of the men suffer with their lungs. The rooms where we live are small, and we have to share the privy with other families. We do not go out on Sundays, because we do not have any money.”

“Probably I would like to go back and work in 1790. The work was harder, but you could enjoy life.”

The grandfather was a casual building worker, and the grandson is a low-paid tailor.

“My grandfather said that he just earned enough to get to the end of the week, but he could always find work. He worked from 9 to 10 hours a week, but at his own speed. He and his family ate a lot of bread and a little meat; he drank beer every week. He did not have enough money to support his widowed mother, so he put her in the poor-house; she had a room with some other old women, and ate two quartern loaves and three plates of thick gravy each week.

I have not married, because I would not have the money to support a wife and family. I earn about 8 shillings a week, depending on the prices of the clothes, and how many pieces I can make up. I can only earn the 8 shillings if I work 14 hours a day, Sundays included. I live and work alone in my room. The problem is that there are a lot of us, bidding for the work, so the prices are very low. There is no least price, which might give us the chance to earn a living wage. For all the poor people, things have been worse since the Poor Law in 1834.”            

“I would rather have worked in the last century. There was a limit to how poor you could be.”               

Chapter 1: Contemporary Observations

• Comments from professional persons, farmers, and visitors are unanimous that there was a visible and continuous improvement in the incomes and living standards of the great majority of the population during this period.                                                                                                 
• This improvement may well have been equivalent to an increase in the real wages of 5 per cent per decade.  

Chapter 2: General Study                                                                                                                 

• The time frame for describing and evaluating the Industrial Revolution in England, should not be from 1770 to 1860; it should start from 1770 for the textile and metals industries, but from 1830 for the rest of the activities of the country. In 1851, only 20 % of the country by area had considerable (more than 40 %) employment in the secondary sector.                                                                                                                          
• The cotton industry in Lancashire was obviously the principal driver of the new economy from 1770 to 1830; but this does not mean that the cotton region was representative of the country in its economic structure or in its living conditions.  

Chapter 3: The Growth of the Cotton, Worsted, Woollens, and Metals Industries

• The cotton industry became extremely efficent and cost-optimised, not only due to the mechanical improvements and the use of the steam engine, but also due to the invention of the cotton gin in the United States, the use of liquid lime chloride for bleaching, gas lighting in the factories in the early morning and the evening, and printing on the cloth from designs engraved on metal cylinders.                                          
• From 1792 to 1832 the price of cotton yarn went down to 20 %, and from 1815 to 1833 the price of calico cloth went down to 30 %.                                                           
• The better level of cotton spinners earned 30 shillings a week, and the average class about 22 shillings. As usually three members of a family worked in a cotton mill, they could generally income from 30 to 40 shillings a week. These figures did not change much from 1815 to 1860. The cotton workers in general had a surplus of earnings against expenses.                                                                                                                                                                                                      
• From about 1815 onwards, the cotton industry was characterised by low margins for the owners, and high volumes.                                                                                                 
• In the worsted industry (long-hair wool, used for clothing for persons) in Yorkshire, the mechanization took place from 1810 to 1850, displacing a number of manual processes. The power loom started to be used around 1840.                                           
• The wages levels for workers in the spinning and weaving processes went down, but a number of new types of jobs were introduced, with sufficient wages.                       
• In the woollen cloth industry (short-hair wool, used for blankets and knitwear), the mechanisation came about 20 years later than in worsted, due to the different characteristics of the fibre. In 1860, the weaving was still done generally by individual weavers in their cottages.          
• The wages in the woollen cloth industry continued at a reasonable level during the whole period.                                                                                                                                
• The metal extraction, founding, and manufacturing industries in the West Midlands (particularly Birmingham and the later “Black Country”) increased their production volume impressively during the whole period 1770 to 1860. The region also produced pottery, carpets, watches, leather and saddles, and guns barrels.                                          
• There were many technological improvements such as smelting iron with coke instead of charcoal, blast furnaces, high-precision boring of piston chambers, the Watt steam engine, the hydraulic press, railway tracks made from wrought iron (15 feet) instead of cast iron (3 feet).                                                                                      
• The production mode in Birmingham and the other towns for metal products,was not a number of serial processes which were made faster and more efficient, as in the textile industries. The work to be done – and the price – was agreed between the men and the masters, for each different article.                                                                   
• As the products were always different, and often new, there were few standard prices per article, or standard wages per week. Thus it is – and was – impossible to calculate a series of wage levels through the years.                                                                    
• The incomes for the workers in all the West Midlands activities were generally known to be very high, starting in the eighteenth century. Many earned more than 20 shillings a week.                                                                                                                      
• Life was more civilized in Birmingham than in Manchester. There was more civic spirit and more communication between men and business owners. The level of education was higher. There were better sanitary and housing conditions in Birmingham – absolutely no one lived in a cellar.                                                                     
• A smaller metalworking region was that around Sheffield, where cutlery, workers’ knives, shears, and files were made. The men worked individually in their workshops. The wages were 25 to 60 shillings a week; on the other hand, the workers died young, many at 35 to 40 years old, due to the dangerous nature of the work. Sheffield was possibly the town with the richest workers in the world.     

Chapter 4: How was Life for the People before the Industrial Revolution?                                                                                                                                   

• The men who were the first workers in factories in Lancashire and Yorkshire did not come from poor agricultural regions, or from other counties. Those in the Manchester area had always worked there; those in the Pennine areas of Lancashire, moved downhill from farmsteads or villages to towns.                                                       
• The workers in Lancashire did not change to working in the mills because they were working in poor areas and were looking for reasonable incomes. They were spinners or artisans who had good incomes, and were attracted to work in the mills, because they were offered excellent incomes.                                                                             
• The men, women and children in the countryside of Lancashire and the West Riding, had high living standards. The women and children in the farmsteads had good incomes from spinning wool or cotton, the men had weaving work 10 hours a day, and the families could work their plot of land to have enough cereal food.                      
• The quality and variety of food in the towns of Lancashire were excellent.  A large proportion of the population ate white bread, and also meat on some days of the week.                                                                                                                                          
• In the workhouses, the inmates had meat generally 3 times a week.                                               
• The figures for child mortality in all England in the eighteenth century were very high – 170 / 1000 for infants (0 – 12 months) and 170 / 1000 for children (13 – 60 months).                                                                                                                        
• The incomes in the cotton business in Lancashire were about 9 shillings a week. In Manchester the women spinners earned about 2 to 5 shillings a week, and their husbands as weavers earned from 5 to 10 shillings. 

Chapter 5: How was their New Life in the Factory?                                                         

• The hours of work in the mills up to about 1805 were 10 daily, and the children were fairly well treated; around 1812 they were increased to 12.                                   
• At the time of the Select Committee hearings in 1818 and 1819, the hours were from 13 to 14 per day, and the children were beaten in the last hours of the day, because it was impossible for them to keep working; a number of children died from the extreme amount of work, and the men spinners either died before they were 40 years old, or were not able to do any physical work in other occupations.                 
• According to the reports collected for the Law of 1833, the hours were still long, but the work was easier.In 1843, the owners of the mills and other industrial companies decided without legal compulsion to make Saturday afternoon free of work.                                                           
• Less than 25 % of the workers in Manchester were employed in the cotton industry, and not all worked in continuous activities on the machines.                                                       
• The children who worked in the cotton mills (up to 1833) suffered from high temperature, noise and cotton flakes in the air, work without rest for 12 hours a day, bad treatment by the spinner, danger of accidents from the machinery, and deformities in the spine and legs.                                                                                    
• Life in the mills and company villages in the rural areas was much better than in the towns, as the owners had to offer good conditions. There were company shops, good clothing for the children, enough food, and well-constructed cottages nearby. But the owners insisted on 10 hours work a day for all the employed persons.  
• The men, women and children in the cotton spinning had considerably higher wage levels than those of the generation before. The people in the worsted and woollens industries did not have a noticeable real increase.   

Chapter 6: How was their new Life in the Town?

• The housing in Manchester was of a number of different levels of quality, and thus of rent. The larger part of the housing in the town was constructed by the better-paid workers and small shopkeepers, in “building clubs”. The men paid a monthly sum into a common bank account, and the construction costs were covered by a loan from the bank, guaranteed by the value of the building.                                                                
• The sanitation in the buildings and in the streets was very bad, but in not more than the half of the areas of Manchester Old Township (1832). The local better classes carried out a number of cleaning-up works, starting in 1830. They put into use the first street sweeping machine in the world in 1843.                                                                 
• The extremely bad descriptions that we have of Manchester as to sanitation, housing, and living conditions of the workers, only refer to the Old Township (130,000 people, compared with 300,000 persons in the whole conurbation). The better paid workers lived in the suburbs. Even inside the area of the Old Township, there were gradations as to the bad conditions. Ancoats, Irish Town, Little Ireland, and Angel Meadow were the worst.                                                                                          
• The child mortality in the industrial cities was very high by our standards (200 per 1000 up to 12 months, and 200 per 1000 from 13 to 60 months). These figures were not excessively high against the data of the second half of the eighteenth century. They were certainly lower than the country averages in the 19^th century of Germany, Austria, and Italy, which were predominately agricultural economies. The average for England and Wales was 150 / 1000 and 110 /1000.          
• The high infant mortality in the industrial areas was not due to low sanitary levels. It was due to the impossibility of the mothers to look after their very young children, to give them breast milk, and to give them nutritious food. The women in general left their work – ten hours a day standing up – two weeks before birth of the child, and went back to work four weeks after the birth. The infant death rate went down during the Cotton Famine of 1861-1865, as the mothers had more time to devote to their children.          
• The death rate averaged over the whole of England and Wales improved from 1780 to 1830, and then remained the same up to 1860. The death rate in the industrial towns remained about the same from 1800 to 1860 (subtracting the effects of epidemics in some years), that is, a negative effect from the worsening living conditions is not to be found.
• Life expectancy was clearly lower in the industrial towns than in the agricultural counties. But the figures have to be adjusted for the high death rate before 5 years, that is, the death rate for persons living after their fifth birthday was not so high. Also, the figures for adult death in the Lancashire towns, are too high, as they take as the divisor the number of persons living in i.e. 1841, which is low, because the number born in i.e. 1810, which is a function of the extreme growth rate of the population in each case.                                                                                                                                                                      
• Added to the low expectation of life, a number of the workmen had work-related diseases or injuries, which took away their strength starting at 30 years old.

Chapter 7: The Poverty of the Domestic Hand-Loom Weavers                                                      

• The income of a male hand-loom weaver went down from 26 shillings in 1814 to 12 shillings in 1817 to 6 shillings in 1826. The weavers and their families had a very bad nutritional situation after 1826.                                                                                      
• The loss of income was not due to competition from the power-loom. The decreases in earnings took place in 1817 and in 1826; there were only 10,000 power-looms in 1820, and 50,000 in 1826.                                                                                                    
• The reduction of income in 1817 was due to the export of “twist” (cotton yarn). There had been an export duty from 1810 which expired in 1817, and the export volume increased considerably with the ending of the French Wars. The export of twist meant that the cotton wholesaler on the Continent now had the yarn in his costs at a level of efficient English spinning machinery. Thus for the English wholesaler to compete, he had to bring down his costs of weaving to a level equal to those of the weaver on the Continent. This could only be done by reducing the piece prices paid to the English weaver. Unfortunately the English weaver had to buy his bread or oatmeal at English prices.                                                                                              
• The power-loom did not take away volume from the hand-loom. The power-loom could not produce the “fancy” cloths that the hand-loom made. The power-loom was used for large series of simpler fabrics.                                                                                 
• From 1820 to 1835, the hand-loom weavers were working flat out 12 hours a day and more to produce amount of cloth required by the market. The power-looms were adding to the total amount produced in the country, but the machine companies could not produce the looms quickly enough to cover the demand of cloth.

Chapter 8: Engels

• Although nearly all the data given by Friedrich Engels in “The Condition of the Working Classes in England in 1844” are individually true, Engels filtered his information to give a uniformly bad impression of the living standards of the people.                                                                                                                                 
• In letters to Marx, Engels told him that the workers in continuous employment ate very well, that they had high incomes, that had “cultural Sundays” in the Manchester Hall of Science, and that they were well informed about political theory.                                                                                                                                     
• Engels does not mention in his book the fact that in 1843 – while he was working in Manchester – the business owners decided without legal requirement, to give Saturday afternoons free from work, without affecting wages.                                                                                                                                  
• The well-known “sob story”, apparently perfectly documented, about a man in St. Helens, who has to do the housework, while his wife works 12 hours in the cotton mill, cannot be true as presented. St. Helens did not have any cotton mills, but it did have coal mining, plate glass making, salt mining, copper smelting, chemicals, and brewing, so that the man could have found work.                                                              
• Engels’ intention, as he says to Marx, is to use all the information from England to attack the German industry owners and bourgeoisie. His tactic is called “Critique by street-fighting” (Marx’ terminology), and consists of not being a “nice guy”.
• Two German academics visited England at the same time as Engels, and their judgement on his book was that “he wrote down the bad characteristics as sharp and shrill as possible, the better characteristics as smudgy and distorted as possible.” “The individual data are true, the totality is false.”

Chapter 9: Non-Income Parameters

• The average consumption of bread in England during all this period was about two quartern loaves (9 lb. total) per adult per week, corresponding to one quarter (480 lb.) per year. This was generally taken to be a sufficient amount for daily activity.               
• In 1834 and 1835, so much wheat was harvested that it exceeded the amount required for human consumption, and had to be given to horses and cattle.                    
• In England and Wales the percentage of cereal consumption which was wheat, increased from 66 % in 1800 to 88 % in 1850, with a corresponding reduction in barley, oats and rye. This shows that the population had better incomes and could spend more on white bread.                                                                                                  
• We have an investigation of real consumption of meat in Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds and Sheffield, in 1815-1820, giving 95 lbs. per person per year (average of men, wives, children, babies, and indigents). Another report, from the Manchester Statistical Society in 1836 gives 100 lbs. per person per year (equivalent to 1.5 McDonald’s Quarter Pounders per person per day!).                                                         
• With respect to the short book by Dr. James Philip Kay, physician in Manchester in 1832, “The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes employed in the Cotton Manufacture in Manchester” (1832), and which contains very negative descriptions of the living standards and habits of the workers, Dr. Kay informs us sotto voce in his preface, that it only refers to the poor workers in the Old Township.                          
• The consumption of food in London during the whole period was very high.                   
• The people in the six Northern counties had a food culture based on oats, which was more efficient in terms of weight of food per shilling. They were able to use it for a variety of foods.                                                                                                                  
• Average heights of the men increased by about 2 inches from 1760 to 1830 (birth years).                                                                                                                               
• From around 1834 something happened with the children, such that their average height when adult went down by 2 inches. Your author attributes this to the New Poor Law, and the prohibition of “outdoor relief”.

Chapter 10: Leisure Expenses, Savings and Education, Non-Financial Improvements

• A large proportion of the population had a surplus from their income, to pay for expenses other than food, clothing and rent. In 1851, 6,000,000 people (one third of the population of the country) visited the Great Exhibition; a large number came by train from all over England and Wales.                                                                          
• The working classes made payments out of their wages for benefit societies, savings banks, and building societies.                                                                                        
• The better class of industrial workers made use of the Mechanics’ Institutes (from the 1820’s onwards), where they could take lessons or read books, in technical subjects, general culture, and French and German. There was a “Mechanic’s Magazine”, with advanced information about engineering and theoretical physics, with a circulation of 16,000.                                                                                                      
• Of the male workers in factories in England in 1833, 86 % could read and 43 % could write.                                                                                                                            
• There was much drinking in the industrial worker class (including the women), which had its costs for the family budget. The Poor Law Commissioners, the factory owners, and the doctors, were convinced that a large part of the poverty which the working classes suffered, was due to the excess of drinking, and other wasteful expenses.                                                                                                                          
• The male industrial workers had the surplus time, energy, and money to visit prostitutes; the cost per adult male worker in the large cities was about 5 pounds per year.                                                                                                                                  
• The working classes had a number of improvements in their lives, which were not paid out of their wages. These were street lighting by gas, subsidised third-class train transport, postage stamps, better fruit and vegetables due to railway transport, less physical effort in the textile factories, more mechanization in agriculture, less physical work in bringing the coal up from the mine face.                                                     
• Up to the 1830’s the workers in the villages, and in some metals industries had to pay high prices in the village shop, respectively in the “company shop”. This was made illegal in theory from 1831.                                                                                           
• The sale of food through the Co-Operative Societies made the prices lower for the workers.                                                                                                                            
• Many manufactured goods of general use became much cheaper, due to the introduction of machinery and increased efficiency of the processes.

Chapter 11: Wages and Living Conditions of Agricultural Labourers, 1770-1815 

• The figure for wages usually quoted was of “weekly winter wages”. However, these were only “standard” values, and did not represent the whole income of the agricultural labourer and his family. The total came from: higher wages in the hay season, higher wages in the harvest month, task wages for special work (especially hand threshing) which were 150 – 180 % of the basic wage, work by the wife, work by the children. The whole income for a labourer with constant employment was generally about 2.2 times the standard wage. Thus a man with 8 shillings standard wage per week earned (averaged over the year) 17 shillings per week, or 44 pounds per year.                                                                                                                                
• The weekly winter wages, as an average over all England, were: 6.5 shillings in 1770, 8.9 shillings in 1795, increasing continuously to 13 shillings in 1812/1813.          
• The cost of living index, starting from 100 in 1770, remained between 90 and 100 up to 1794, increased to maxima of 190 in 1801 and of 208 in 1812, but with lesser values in the intervening years of 1795-1815, and finished our period in 1815 at 150.                                                                                                                                         
• The price of a bushel of wheat (a week’s consumption for a family), started at 5 shillings in 1770, remained between 4 shillings and 6 shillings up to 1794, increased to 14 shillings in 1800/1801 and to12-15 shillings in 1809-1813, but around 9 shillings in the other years, and finished at 8 shillings in 1815.                                       
• The real wages, index 1770 = 100, remained between 90 and 110 during the whole period 1770-1815, with the exception of 80 in 1800/1801, and 120 in 1803 and in 1814/1815. The purchasing power of a weekly winter wage, in terms of bushels of wheat, was around 1.0 to 1.5 for the whole period 1795 to 1815, with the exception of 0.7 (insufficiency!) in 1800/1801 and 1812.                                                                     
• From the beginning of the period of high prices for wheat (1794) to the highest point (1812/1813), the weekly wages increased from 7.7 shillings to 13 shillings (x 1.69), while the price of wheat increased from 6.4 shillings per bushel to 15.3 shillings per bushel (x 2.39). However this disequilibrium only took place in the years of great scarcity (1795/1796, 1800/1801, 1810/1813); in the other years in this period, the purchasing power of the agricultural wages was at a normal level.                       
• The grave insufficiency in earnings as to the requirement for food consumption in the years of the French Wars and the bad harvests was compensated by the following strategies: a) increase of wages to 12, 15, or 18 shillings; b) the farmers sold wheat to the labourers at low prices, generally 6 shillings the bushel; c) the labourers were given extra work on the farm, and the unemployed were given work improving roads, etc.; d) many families changed from eating wheat to eating barley, which cost about 40 % of the wheat; e) the very poor ate a large proportion of potatoes; f) the population in the North were not so much affected, as they normally ate oats, which cost much less; g) the parishes paid increased amounts in poor rates; h) there were many collections of money by the better classes to give the poor food, firewood, and coals, at very low prices.                                                                                 
• The financial situation of the labourers and their families was much influenced by the size of the families. Those families who had more than one small child, and had no child above 10 years old, were continually very close to the bread-line (literally!), and generally had to request money from the poor-rates several times in the year. This segment (30 % of the agricultural population) was not typical. Those families with no children, or on the other hand, with children of above 10 years, who could earn money as helpers in the fields or in domestic services, could eat enough and did not need help from the parish; but with the condition that the man was in continuous employment, and never ill. Young persons (male and female) of 16 to 25 years old, usually worked for their account as indoor farm-servants or as apprentices to artisans, where they paid nothing for their “bed and board”, and could save up to 30 pounds for when they married.                                                                      
• The figures collected by David Davies in his “Case of the Labourers in Husbandry”, in order to show the pitiful conditions of the farm labourers, are not representative of the countryside nor of his parish. His parish was one of the smallest and poorest in England; there was no alternative in employment to field-work. The six families shown in his sample were not average; they all had a number of small children, and thus were the poorest in the village. He presented the data, obviously, with the best of intentions.                                                                                                                                            
• The majority of agricultural families had enough income to eat sufficient bread or cereal, eat some meat (salted pork or bacon) and vegetables, clothe themselves, pay the rent for the cottage, and buy coal or firewood. The conditions of the cottages were in general not good. Those families who worked very hard, or who rented or owned a plot of land, could accumulate savings.                                                                      
• The economic position of the labouring families was negatively affected in the period 1770 to 1815 by the advance of enclosures, which made it impossible for the families to pasture a cow or to collect firewood. Further, by the new processes in the woollens industry, which made it uneconomic for the wives to spin wool, and thus subtracted 3 to 4 shillings from the total income of the family. The threshing machines did not at this time cause unemployment, as there actually was a scarcity of workers (requisitioned for the armed forces), and actually improved the quality of life for the men.                                                                                                              
• There was a considerable range of standard of living between the counties. Particularly the labourers in the North lived better, as they ate oats which cost the half of the wheat, and thus could eat other types of food. Other factors, additional to the amount of monetary earnings, were: having a plot of land for vegetables, cereals or a cow, fattening and eating a pig, level of cottage rents (or rents not charged), level of cost of fuel (coals or firewood), small manufacturing activities nearby, general productivity of the land in each county. The arable counties of South Central England (Buckingham, Bedford, Berkshire, Oxford, Wiltshire, Hampshire), were not typical of the country, but rather were poorer.                                                   
• The Northern counties increased their average agricultural income by much more than the other regions.                                                                                                        
• Threshing machines were introduced from 1795, and saved labour, but only in Scotland and the North. 

Chapter 12: Wages and Living Conditions of Agricultural Labourers, 1815-1860

• Weekly winter wages were about 12 shillings from 1815 to 1820, and then maintained in the range from 9 shillings to 11 shillings from 1821 to 1860.             
• There were other elements of income, which could increase the real weekly figure (average over the whole year), by about 50 %: wife’s work, children’s work, task-work, hay months, harvest month. With these amounts, the family could pay rent, clothing, and fuel.                                                                                                                
• Wheat prices were in the range of 5 to 8 shillings per bushel, so that – taking only the weekly wage of the man – the family could buy 20 to 25 quartern loaves (4.5 lbs.) per week, which was sufficient.                                                                                             
• The standard of living for the labourers was bad from 1815 to 1822, due to financial and natural problems, but was then sufficient for the years up to 1860.                               
• In the period from 1815 to 1830, in the majority of the villages there was a 2-tier structure of employment for the labourers. About 70 % had a continuous job with a farmer; he did not have work for more men. The other 30 % (difficult persons or bad workers) had to do informal work for the parish or were paid weekly out of parish funds; they had full-time work only in the harvest month.                                                      
• The report to the Poor Law Commissioners in 1834 (“Rural Queries”), showed that in the majority of counties in England, the families could eat well enough on 10 shillings a week, and a majority of families had enough money to buy meat.                     
• Up to 1834, the men in villages received moneys from the parish funds, to make up the difference between their weekly income (or zero income) and a basic food-line calculated from the price of a loaf (“Speenhamland System”). This gave rise to number of abuses – by the farmers and by the men – and removed the interest of the “supernumary” men in looking for work. The national Government brought in the New Poor Law, which prohibited the parishes from paying “outdoor relief”, that is payments to people living in their houses. The Government would only help families if they went into the Workhouses, which were designed to be bad experiences. This meant those men who wanted to continue to work “outside” had to accept lower wages from a farmer, and that their wives and children had to work more than before.                                                                                                               
• The few family budgets that we have for this period, and the reports of Commissioners from 1843 and in 1846, show that the labourers and their families had in general enough to eat, but everyone had to work hard. In the South-West the incomes were low, and in the North they were high.                                                       
• The daily work of the farm labourers was made easier, by the use of new implements and simple machines made of metal, such as scythes, harrows, horse-drawn hay rakes and cheesepresses. From 1840 the steam engines were used to make a number of tasks more efficient, such as threshing cereals and elevators for hay; these made the work less physically demanding, but then the farmer would not pay “task-work” for easy activities.                                                                                         
• The index of family expenses for agricultural workers, went from 150 in 1815 to 140 in 1860 (1770 = 100).                                                                                                               
• The real wages (weekly winter wages) went from 123 in 1815 to 121 in 1860 (1770 = 100), with bad years in 1816-1818 and 1842-1846.                                                    
• If we take into account the total income of the family (spinning, children’s work, task-work, harvest month), the nominal income was around 13 shillings in 1770-1790, 16 to 19 shillings in 1790-1840, 15 to 17 shillings in 1840-1860. The loss of wool spinning at the beginning of the period, and the lesser percentage of task-work at the end of the period, impacted negatively.   

• The wages, expenses, and real wages for agricultural wages (only the man’s weekly wage; with task-work, etc.; adding spinning) changed as follows:

COMPARISON 1770 TO 1860 AGRICULTURAL WORKERS WEEKLY WAGES 1770 = 100  WAGES             169 EXPENSES       139 REAL WAGE    121

COMPARISON 1770 TO 1860 AGRICULTURAL WORKERS TOTAL FAMILY, WITHOUT SPINNING 1770 = 100  WAGES                  158 EXPENSES            139 REAL WAGES       114

COMPARISON 1770 TO 1860 AGRICULTURAL WORKERS TOTAL FAMILY, WITH SPINNING 1770 = 100  WAGES                  130 EXPENSES            139 REAL WAGES         94

• According to Mr. Caird, an agricultural expert who visited the majority of the farming counties in 1850-51, the labourers’ wages had increased by 34 per cent against 1770, while bread was at the same level as 1770, meat had increased by 50 per cent, and cottage rent by 100 per cent.                                                                                                                         
• Mr. Denton, a land engineer who had worked in many counties in the preceding 17 years, reported that in 1868 the average basic wage for labourers was 12 shillings 6 pence. He pointed out that the the agricultural worker had advantages in comparison with the industrial worker, such as a much cheaper rent, cultivating potatoes and vegetables without cost, lower price of bread and meat, better quality of air, and savings from gleaning.

Chapter 13: Captain Swing

• The Swing Riots in 1830 were apparently caused by the agricultural labourers rebelling due to their poverty and hunger, which they thought were due to the threshing machines taking away their work in the winter months.                                              
• But it was not true that the threshing machines reduced the demand for labour; the workers believed this against all observation; the better classes (even Cobbett!) could not understand why the workers had this belief.                                                        
• The Swing Riots did not take place in all of Southern England. Almost all the violent acts took place in Kent and East Sussex, and in a region formed by contiguous parts of Wiltshire, Hampshire, and Berkshire. In Kent and E. Sussex the disturbances took place during 4 months, in the western counties, only 15 days in total.                                                                                                                                          
• The disturbances were not due to generalized hunger and poverty. Data collected by three Parliamentary Commissions show that the income levels and food levels were sufficient. Descriptions of the convicted men, by the judge presiding at Winchester and by the doctor who accompanied them in their transportation to Tasmania, show that they were strong and healthy.                                                                                       
• In Kent, in the first eight weeks of the disturbances, neither the men nor the authorities mention that the wages were insufficient and should be increased. In any case, Kent was the county in S. England with the highest standard of living.                       
• In Kent, 82 threshing machines were destroyed, but the half of these were by criminal gangs, and about 10 by the farmers themselves. In the Western Counties, they were: Berkshire 78, Dorset 10, Hampshire 52, Wiltshire 97; about the half were destroyed by the farmers, so as not to have trouble with the gangs.                                       
• The labourers particularly in Wiltshire did not suffer much hunger, as Wiltshire was the county with proportionally most allotments in England. These made it possible for the agricultural families (with a lot of work) to eat considerable quantities of potatoes and vegetables.                                                                                                             
• In the Western Counties, in a number of cases, the labourers in each farm volunteered to guard the farm against the gangs, during the night.

Chapter 14: Developments and Wages in the Other Occupations

• The occupations with the most workers according to the 1851 Census were:  agricultural labourer, domestic servant, cotton spinning/ weaving/ printing, general labourer, farmer, boot and shoe maker, milliner/ dressmaker, carpenter/ joiner, army and navy, tailor, washerwoman, woollen cloth manufacture, silk manufacture, blacksmith, worsted manufacture, mason/ paver, messenger, linen and flax manufacture, seaman (merchant service), grocer, gardener, iron manufacturer / moulder / founder, innkeeper, seamstress / shirtmaker, bricklayer, butcher / meat salesman, hose (stocking) manufacturer, schoolmaster / -mistress, lace manufacture.            
• For a number of these, it is impossible to make a calculation of the movements in income, as a large part of the earnings were in the form of “bed and food, found”.                                                                                                                            
• The persons who earned wages, that is weekly payments from employers for a given activity, in general could have a decent life. Those who had to sell the product of their work to middlemen and /or a highly competitive market, had a bad time.                                        
• A number of new occupations sprung up during the second half of our period, with good incomes at a professional level, for example, mechanics and engineers, makers of steam engines, and of textile machinery, railway engine drivers, factory clerks and warehousemen.                                                                                                                 

Chapter 15: The Poor

• The very poor in the Industrial Revolution are “invisible”, that is, they do not appear in official statistics. We do not know the percentage of these people in the total of the population. Neither do we know if the percentage went up or down in our period, although it is probable that it increased from 1834.                                                         
• The extreme poverty in London only started in 1840-42, when a large number of starving and unemployed men and women arrived in the Metropolis. Their bad situation was caused by the catastrophic recession and unemployment of 1839-42.         
• There was considerable poverty and hunger (but not starvation) among those agricultural labourers who did not have a steady job. Their situation had become worse with the New Poor Law of 1834, which prohibited the parishes from paying “outdoor relief”. In most families, the women and small children had to go to work in the fields.                                                                                                                              
• The figures of weekly incomes presented in other chapters are to a certain extent theoretical. They do not include the effect of recessions with high unemployment, which reduced the average lifetime income of the workers, and caused situations of hunger. There were recessions in 1810-12, 1816-17, 1819, 1826-27, 1830-31, 1839-42, and 1847-48.                                                                                                                       
• The worst recession was from 1839 to 1842. This was caused by a “bubble” of capital investment in the cotton industry in 1836-38, which then collapsed; from this point, the United States put up tariff barriers, three harvests failed consecutively, and there was contraction of the money supply by the Bank of England. Unemployment reached 30 % in some regions, and there was much reduction of working hours. Consumption of meat went down by a half. In Lancashire plus Cheshire there were about 4,000 deaths annually above the normal level.                                                                                        
• Many children outside of the textile industries, for example in: metalworking, pottery, glass, lace, paper-making, were badly treated, as they were not subject to official reglamentation or inspection. They had very low incomes (if at all!), had to work long hours, the working conditions were bad, insanitary, and in some cases, dangerous. In some cases, the continuous heavy work attacked their bodies, such that young persons of 18 years old had the stature of 14-year old children, and had not reached sexual maturity. 

Chapter 16: Calculations of Movements in Nominal Wages, Cost of Living, and Real Wages

• The average of the weekly wages in the non-agricultural occupations, increased from 10.1 shillings in 1770 to 18.0 shillings in 1860 (+ 78 %).                                         
• The average of the weekly wages in agricultural plus non-agricultural occupations, increased from 8.5 shillings in 1770 to 16.3 shillings in 1860 (+ 92 %).                                  
• The average of yearly wages in agricultural plus non-agricultural occupations, discounting 10 % for lost working time, increased from 19.8 pounds in 1770 to 38.1 pounds in 1860 (+ 92 %); Feinstein’s figures were 18.0 pounds, 38.2 pounds, + 113 %).                       

• The wages per occupation for 1860 in this study are compared against very detailed figures from Leone Levi, Wages and Earnings of the Working Class, and are very close.                                                                                                                                     
• The living costs for non-agricultural workers in 1860 are 150 (index 1770 = 100); the clothing costs are estimated at index = 40.                                                                  
• Movements in cost of living indices are very close between agricultural and non-agricultural families, except that the agricultural family was positively affected by low cereal prices.                                                                                                                      
• Real wages for 1860 in terms of index 1770 = 100 were: agricultural = 121, non-agricultural = 124, total = 133 (the figure for “total” in not between the two component figures, because there was a large percent migration of workers from agricultural to non-agricultural occupations). The Allen number for real wages in 1860 is 145; the difference comes from the data for 1770.   

COMPARISON 1770 TO 1860 AGRICULTURAL PLUS NON-AGRICULTURAL WORKERS 1770 = 100  WAGES                  197 EXPENSES            147 REAL WAGES       133

• The standard weekly wages given for agricultural and non-agricultural workers require adjustments in order to show the real incomes of the families. For the agricultural families, the changes are to include task-work, harvest month, and wives’ and children’s incomes, plus wives’ spinning up to 1820; the resulting figures are given in the chapters and conclusions about agricultural labourers. For the non-agricultural families, we have to not take 3 persons of a family at i.e. 10 shillings each, but one family of 3 persons at 30 shillings total, because this corresponds to the money to be used by the family.                                                            
• With the adjustment of the figures for cotton worker families, the nominal incomes for non-agricultural change in 1770 remain the same at 10 shillings, and change in 1860 from 18 shillings to 20 shillings; the index at 1860 changes from 178 to 195. The real wages at 1860 change from index 118 to index 130. 

COMPARISON 1770 TO 1860 NON-AGRICULTURAL WORKERS COTTON: TOTAL PER FAMILY 1770 = 100  WAGES                195 EXPENSES          150 REAL WAGES     130

With these adjustments, the average income for agricultural plus non-agricultural families at 1770 changes from 8.5 shillings to 11.5 shillings, and at 1860 changes from 16 shillings to 19 shillings. The index of nominal wages at 1860 changes from 197 to 168. The index of real wages at 1860 changes from 133 to 113.                                  

COMPARISON 1770 TO 1860 AGRICULTURAL PLUS NON-AGRICULTURAL WITH CORRECTIONS 1770 = 100  WAGES                168 EXPENSES          148 REAL WAGES     113

The average wages for the working class of the country, expressed in pounds, and discounting 10 % for lost working days, are now 27 pounds in 1770 and 45 pounds in 1860 (Feinstein: 18 pounds and 38 pounds). The difference against Feinstein is due to the inclusion of the extra payments to the agricultural families.                                        

A calculation of average wages for non-industrial workers, in terms of the number of 4 lb. units of wheat which could be bought, gives the following graphic. 15 units of 4 lbs. gives one bushel, which was taken to be enough for a minimum decent level of expenses for a worker and his family. The families had just enough income in the years from 1770 to 1830 (with the exception of high grain prices from 1795 to 1815), and a considerable surplus from 1830 to 1860.    

     

Chapter 17: Solutions

• There is an apparent contradiction between the small increase in real wages and the visible improvements in the daily life of the people.                                                      
• The logical error is that it is not necessarily true, that the increase in useful income per “mouth” of a family is proportional to the increase in weekly income of the principal wage- / income-earner. This concept is invalidated in the case of a rapidly evolving economy and society, as was the Industrial Revolution from 1770 to 1860.                                 
• The main arithmetical change was that the “Job Density” per family increased, i.e. the number of persons in the family earning a decent wage was higher. In 1860, not just the father, but also the wife and one young person could earn 10 to 15 shillings a week. As a rough calculation, in 1770 the family had 1.65 employed persons with a total of1.27 times the father’s wage, and in 1860 the family had 2.1 employed persons with a total of 2.1 times the average wage in the country. These amounts were the resources for the 4.5 “mouths” of the family. We know from the 1851 Census, and from the notes of Mr. Levi, that each family had two people working, with a total of 31 shillings a week. This means that the useful income for industrial families did not increase in proportion to the average incomes, but additionally with the effect of more persons earning. The increase in real incomes from 1770 to 1860 was probably about 80 %.                                                                                                                             
• It is not the case that the working class had low living standards at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, and thus with the apparent zero increase in wages up to 1830, they continued to have a bad standard of living. A large number of the working class in 1770-1795 lived comfortably, and even if they had had zero increase in wages, they would still have lived at a decent level.                                          
• The assumption as seen in the “family budgets”, and in the classical calculation of the index of real wages, is that all the families had expenses that exactly used up all their income. But the fact is that a large number had a surplus. With the wages increasing faster than the cost of living index, this surplus necessarily increased up to 1860.                                                                                                                                   
• The calculation of an average of real wages over the agricultural, mining, industrial, and domestic production activities is incomplete. It leaves out the new occupations such as engineers and railway workers, and also does not take into account the service sector, which increased its participation in the economy.                                      
• Some improvements in the daily life of the people were not a charge on the pay-packet, but were paid for by the better classes or by the government. Particular cases are gas lighting in the streets, and subsidized railway travel.                                              
• The workers in many cases lived in districts with very bad sanitary conditions, and the assumption is often that this is an evidence that they were poor. The logic is not correct. Many workers with medium incomes lived in these districts, but the fact was that even if they had had more wages, they could not have found better areas. The workers and poorer professional persons who lived in these circumstances, did not give up on their lives, but had many cultural, intellectual and political interests.  

                                               

A large part of our vision of life in the period of the Industrial Revolution is that there were horrible sanitary and drainage conditions in the towns, and concurrently very high mortality rates for infants below 12 months and children of from 13 to 60 months old. We make the – apparently – “logical» jump to the idea, that the fact of these conditions demonstrates that the workers were poor, and had no intellectual or cultural interests.

This was not the case. A large number of the textile workers had good incomes. The point is that they could not do anything themselves about this state of affairs, and they could not have done anything, even if they had suddenly received 5 shillings a week more. The exception is Manchester, where from 1820, the better paid workers changed their domicile to the new “suburbs”.

It is also not the case that the bad sanitary conditions were exclusive to the industrial towns in the North (they were somewhat worse in Manchester and Leeds, as parts of these were constructed on low-lying ground, immediately next to a river). The majority of medium and large towns had these problems. They were not able to solve them. 

We can take the example of Abergavenny, a town of 5,000 inhabitants and 1,000 houses in Monmouthshire. The working population is mostly of building artisans of a good level (3 to 4 shillings a day), shoemakers, and agricultural labourers (10 to 14 shillings a week). The professional persons are attorneys, druggists, land agents, insurance agents. There are a number of shops (grocery, butchers, cabinet makers, booksellers, etc.) which also serve the nearby iron district. 

We have a report written by a doctor in 1844. He notes that the yearly mortality in Abergavenny is 1 in 42 (Leeds 1 in 37, average of Lancashire 1 in 37), 38 % of the population die before their fifth birthday (Manchester 51 %, Leeds 49 %). The average age at death was 43 for gentlemen and professional persons and their families, 28 for tradesmen and their families, 26 for mechanics, labourers, and their families (obviously including the deaths of children).

One of the main streets has a gutter running down the middle, which is always full of “liquid refuse”. Many houses do not have a privy. In one old part of the town, the houses are all crowded together, there is only one privy, but the door and the roof do not exist, and “the soil appearing above the level of the seat, so as to render use impossible”. Close by the privy is a manure heap, and beyond it a slaughter-house with pools of mingled water, blood and urine. In Pant Lane, here are some blocks of lodging-houses, which before had only one privy for all, but two more have been built, even so, that is one privy for 50 people; the cesspool is a hole in the ground. All the wards of the town have this sort of description, except around the High Street, which appears to be acceptable.

The doctor then gives statistics of annual deaths per ward, and infectious illnesses per ward. “The conclusion drawn from this is that although the town wards where the rate of mortality is highest are inhabited chiefly by the poor, the privations caused by poverty are not alone sufficient to account for this and that the poor sanitation and other defective arrangements are the main causes for so many deaths.”

Thus we see that the professional classes and better-paid artisans get on with their lives, although they inhabit districts with horrible sanitation.

(Samuel H. Steel, A Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Town of Abergavenny, 1847) 

The following investigation is from John Finch the Younger, a large-scale iron merchant, and comes from a book publishes by the Liverpool Anti-Monopoly Association, about the “Statistics of Vauxhall Ward, Liverpool; showing the actual condition of more than Five Thousand Families”, and compares their situation in 1842 with that of 1835.

Vauxhall Ward had a “large number of superior mechanics”; 15 % of the inhabitants were middle class, 45 % labourers, and 25 % mechanics and artisans. The population was 25 % born in Liverpool, and 45 % immigrated from Ireland (“mostly in indigent circumstances”). The commercial activities were “iron foundries, soap, alkali, chemical, and other manufacturies”. Of 1,600 mechanics and artisans, 150 are engineers and smiths, 160 are joiners, 250 are shoe and boot makers, 140 are tailors, 190 are sailors and ship pilots.

We show a page for a sample of 50 families in 1835 and in 1842.

From the data columns for 1835, we can calculate that the labourers have earnings of from 15 to 20 shillings, with an average of 17 shillings 6 pence. The mechanics have earnings of from 15 to 20 shillings in general (but with cases of 40, 34, 30, 30, 25), with an average of 17 shillings.

We can also see that the average family size was 4.1 persons, the average weekly income was 17 shillings 6 pence, the meat expense was 2 shillings 6 pence, the bread expenses was 3 shillings, oatmeal was 4 pence, potatoes was 1 shilling, and the residual amount for clothing, rent, fuel, and non-basic food was 10 shillings 6 pence. Nearly all the families ate meat. The amount of food consumed was 6 pounds per family, the bread was 5 quartern loaves, oatmeal was 3 pounds, potatoes was 30 pounds.

But, surprisingly, this was the worst ward in Liverpool, as to housing conditions and health. The density of housing was among the worst, the percentage of families living in courts was 40 % and in cellars was 12 %, only 30 % of streets had sewerage, the deaths were 1 in 23 of the population, and the proportion of fever cases was 4 times the average of Liverpool (see First Report on the State of Great Towns, 1844, Tables 11, 12, 13, 15, 15, pp. 148-153).

But we have seen that the people have good jobs and eat well.

Merthyr Tydfil

This was a town with coal mining and ironworks in the South of Wales, built next to deposits of coal, ironstone, and limestone. It had 10,000 inhabitants in 1800 and 40,000 in 1850. In the second quarter of the nineteenth century it was the largest ironworks complex in the world. 

It had practically no sanitation; there was not one public sewer or drain in the town. There was not enough water supplied to the town – obviously the miners and the furnace workers required the water to wash themselves daily – but the water was needed for the industrial processes. In 1846, in comparison with 1601 births, there were 412 deaths of children under 5 years (260 / 1000); the region had the highest child mortality in England and Wales, apart from Lancashire and the West Riding. In 1849 there was an outbreak of cholera which killed 1,500 people, despite considerable efforts by the owners and the medical officers.

But the town had a high cultural level. 

“I must again mention the booksellers because I consider them in proportion more numerous than the other trades …. a circumstance significant of the tendency to home and fireside amusements, which deserve notice and encouragement in a place where, by far, the bulk of the population is made up of the working classes.”

(Ginswick, 1983; Merthyr Tydfil and Dowlais, Letter VI, 1849, p. 67)

“I next called upon Mr. Wilkins the bookseller, who supplies the market-houses here, at Dowlais, and in the neighbouring works. He told me that if the cheap publications were in Welsh the sale would be enormous. While conversing with Mr. Wilkins, I was forcibly struck with the circumstance that the sellers of cheap publications can lead as well as follow the taste of the labouring classes. A heavy responsibility is in their hands. Mr. Wilkins disposes of:

                                               Weekly                                 Weekly                        

The Family Herald                 360          The Northern Star        12          

The London Journal               360         The News of the World 189    

Eliza Cook’s Miscellany           18            Dipple’s Miscellany      12          

The People and Howitt’s Journal 18    The Physician    24                       

The Home Circle                      18            Lloyd’s Miscellany       24             

Reynold’s Miscellany               60           The Brigand         6                       

Reynold’s Political Instructor  36         The Hebrew Maiden      12           

The Domestic Journal              12  

These particulars give a tolerably clear insight into the literary predilections of the inhabitants of this populous neighbourhood – which it will be seen, run equally in the direction of their worldly and spiritual necessities, the learning of the sceinces on which they depend for bread, ….”

(Ibid. p. 68)

In another bookseller, a large number of religious tracts were to be bought (both Church of England and Welsh Chapel).

They had a brass band.

“Wisely endeavouring to improve the character of his workmen by means of a refined amusement, Mr. Robert Crawshay has established among them a brass band, which practices once a week throughout the year. It is entirely composed of workmen. They have the good fortune to be led by a man (one of the roll-turners) who must have had somewhere a superior musical education. I had the pleasure of hearing them perform the Overture to Zampa, the Caliph of Baghdad, and Fra Diavolo, Vivi Tu, some concerted music from Roberto, Don Giovani, and Lucia, with a quantity of waltzes, polkas, and dance music. The bandmaster had them under excellent control; he everywhere took the time well, and the instruments preserved it, each taking up his lead with spirit and accuracy; in short I have seldom heard a regimental band more perfect than this handful of workmen, located (far from any place where they might command the benefit of hearing other bands) in the mountains of Wales. When I was informed of the existence of this band, I knew how to account for a circumstance that puzzled me – hearing the boys of Cyfartha works whistle the best airs from the most popular operas. The great body of men at these works are extremely proud of their musical performances, and like to boast of them. I have been told it cost Mr. Crawshay great pains and expenses to bring this band to its present excellent condition. If so, he now has his reward. Besides this, he has shown what the intellectual capacity of the workman is equal to, and, above all, he has provided a rational and refined amusement for classes whose leisure time would otherwise probably have been lass creditably spent than in learning or listening to music. I greatly wish his example were followed at other works. Give a man an instrument to learn or play, and his spare time is employed in a manner equally entertaining and improving whilst his family benefits by an occupation which, in a greater degree, keeps him out of temptation.”

(Ibid., p. 60)

“I visited the new schools and examined the children. The following is the substance of the notes I made. The exterior of the building is neat, and of the “ancient almshouse” style, with slate roof and high gables. It struck me, however, as being low – an objection the importance of which Mr. Wyatt, who is the architect, will, I hope, consider when he next designs an edifice of this kind. I first went to the boys’ school. On examining the books I found that the average attendance was about 120 daily. The boys were mostly well-clothed and clean; only one of them was barefoot. The master, who is from the training school at Westminster, observed that they were children who “but for the school would have been running the streets”. The course of instruction at present comprises reading, writing and arithmetic, geography, and the outlines of history. When the highest class boys are sufficiently advanced they will be taught grammar. I tried the second class, consisting of boys from seven to nine years old, in the Gospel of St. Luke, and they acquitted themselves very creditably, reading without hesitation and correctly. One boy in the head class was working a sum in practice, another in reduction, a third in subtraction and so on. As a body, the master the children show great acuteness and capacity. “The only difficulty I have,” said he, “is to get them to attend regularly; when they stay away for a few days they fall back. Mondays and Fridays are the worst days for attendance.” He could give me no reason why on these days the attendance was small. On turning suddenly from the master, I asked the boy nearest to me (who might be about nine years old); “What kindness did Mary Magadalene do for Christ?” He replied without a moment’s thought, “She washed his feet, and wiped them with the hair of her head”.

(Ibid., p. 77)

“I took the opportunity of visiting the Adult Schools. I could scarcely credit my senses when the governess told me that the girls I was were those whom I formerly described as stacking coal for coking, loading trams, and cleaning ore on the slopes of the mountain, black, coarsely clad and repulsive. Here they were clean, orderly, and well-dressed. The average attendance at present is 60. The governess, a very intelligent woman, of many years’ experience, speaking of the aptness of these grown up women for learning, said, “You would be surprised how rapidly they get on. Even married women have learnt to read the Testament and to write well, in one season.” They were mostly writing when I entered, using steel pens [Industrial Revolution!] and copy-books – far preferable to the slate and pencil, which I think are too much used in some of these schools. A lady of the town – one of the voluntary teachers – was here engaged in her beneficent duties. The school for men being at a distance, in George Town, Cyfartha, I had not an opportunity of visiting it. The average attendance, I was told, is about 90.”

(Ibid., p. 78)

We should also remember the workers attending the Ancoats Lyceum, in one of the poorest areas in Manchester, close to the largest mills. They decided to rent a house for lectures and for a library of 700 books. The men workers paid 8 shillings a year and the women 5 shillings. 

The working class in the industrial districts did not give up on life, even if they were living in the midst of horribly dirty streets, and with a high rate of infant mortality. They were capable of cultural, intellectual, and social activities, in spite of all these disadvantages in their daily living conditions. 

A number of improvements in the daily life of the working class were funded by the government, by private industry, or by rate-payers. Thus they are not visible in the long-term movements in the weekly wages. Another way of looking at this, is that they are included in the increase in Gross National Product, but not in the total of wages in the country. 

Gaslighting in streets and public places was introduced from 1815 onwards. The construction of the production facilities and for the purchase of coal for the gas was paid for by private companies. Their initial costs were covered by subscription from investors. The current costs were paid by local authorities, who were reimbursed by their ratepayers.

The introduction of penny postage in a government organization reduced the cost of letters to about one quarter. Before this date, it was nearly impossible for the poorer classes to use the postal system. 

The railways as such were a great improvement for everybody, as they made it much easier to travel, and reduced the transport costs for food and manufactures. For the working classes, the important change was in the “parliamentary trains”. The railway companies were legally obliged by the terms of their concessions to give subsidized tickets (one penny per mile) for third class passengers, for one train daily in each direction on every track connection.

The percentage of male workers in the services sector increased from 15 % in 1770 to 22 % in 1860; probably the same movement took place as to the female workers.

(The Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, The Occupational Structure of Britain 1379-1911; https://www.campop.geog.cam.ac.uk/research/occupations/overview/)

These people are not included in the calculation in this study, of the average incomes from 1770 to 1860. The calculation (and other parts of the investigation) refers to mining, agriculture, manufacturing, and domestic industry.

According to the 1851 Census there were the following common service occupations (with the number of persons, male plus female):

Domestic servants                  1,030,000 Messengers and porters            100,000 Teachers                                     110,000 Commercial clerks                       43,000 Nurses                                          25,000 Washerwomen                            146,000 Charwomen                                  55,000 Gardeners                                     80,000 Police                                            37,000

All of these activities came into being after 1770, due to changes in the society; the exception was “domestic servants”, who trebled their number. They were all paid on average 15 shillings a week or more (incl. value of bed and board found, in the case of the domestic servants) in 1860, and thus might well change the average percentage of wage increases. As we have seen in the first section of this chapter, their incomes should not be averaged with existing employments in the family, but added to the individual amount per “mouth”. 

Another important new occupation was that of conductors and drivers of horse-drawn omnibuses. There were 16,000 of these in London in 1860. The drivers earned 34 shillings a week, and the conductors could keep 4 shillings a day out of the fares they collected.

In Sheffield, with a population of 90,000, “the expansion of the retail and service sector is apparent by 1830. In 1833, the life of the community was supported by 326 hotels, inns and taverns, 235 beershops, and 318 flour, grocery, tea and general provision dealers. There were 38 booksellers, binders and printers, 109 milliners and dressmakers, 51 straw hat makers, 39 housepainters, 16 fishmongers, 31 bakers and 13 brewers, providing food, clothing and services for an expanding population. Accountants, collectors and agents constituted a growing white collar sector. Below these, and as yet unnumbered, were the servants, apprentices and clerks who performed the chores of domestic and commercial life.”

(Reid, 1976, p. 14; extracts from William White, History and General Directory of the Borough of Sheffield, 1833)

Thus they did not impact the average growth of the country.

In 1770, the number of families of agricultural labourers was 745,000, and of non-agricultural workers was 844,000; the cotton workers were 75,000, while solely the building artisans (carpenters, joiners, painters, bricklayers, stonemasons) were 118,000.

In 1830, the cotton workers were 302,000 families (of which the domestic hand-loom weavers with low wages were the majority), and the building artisans were the majority. 

So the considerable increase in the wages of the cotton mill workers did not make a large change in the average wages in the country.

Further, the Industrial Revolution did not reach large parts of the country, neither did it affect processes in the domestic industries, before 1830.